Brain Gain 5 - Representation of Food Images in Buladó

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Food Images in Buladó: The successful Unthinking Eurocentrism in Times of Independence and Self-representation.

Introduction

Food is a material good, often seen and used for consumption. However, food is much more than mere self-preservation of the body. Both food production and consumption also function as a means of symbolic representation. It plays a very important role in human behaviour and interaction, where ethnic and national identities are created (Beushausen 2014).

In the Caribbean, the dimension of foods as symbolic representations has taken a very special turn. The Caribbean indigenous people and their culture have been diminished, not to say eliminated, since Christopher Columbus crossed the Atlantic Ocean in 1492 (Willemsen and Nimako 2011). Subsequently, the Caribbean food cultures have mostly been influenced during slavery by the European colonizers and the enslaved Africans as one of the first social actors. Interestingly, the Netherlands was one of the last European colonial countries to abolish slavery in 1863 (Willemsen and Nimako 2011). The largest, but economically also the most significant Dutch-Caribbean colony was Curaçao. In 2010 Curaçao became an autonomous country within the Kingdom of the Netherlands looking after its own affairs independently (Ministerie van Algemene Zaken 2014).

Although Curaçao was the most influential Dutch colony in the Caribbean, very little research has been done into how the Dutch influences are still, if even, reflected in films. Moreover, looking at how the Dutch influences are reflected in films produced in times of judicial autonomy and self-representation of the island since 2010, is key in understanding the decolonization process of Curaçao.

The Dutch influenced many aspects of life in the Caribbean colonies. This is, of course, also true of how the past Dutch rule has influenced the local food culture in Curaçao. Considering that food often symbolizes the representation of culture and identity, and that film is one of the most popular and influential media of the 21st century, it is necessary to see how they concur in order to determine to what extent modern films contribute to the process of decolonizing culture or whether it encourages colonial ideas. That’s why doing postcolonial studies on film, including their depiction of food, is important because it identifies both what is Eurocentric and what is Caribbean, concerning things like food culture and customs, illuminating Curaçao’s decolonization of culture.

A well-suited research object is the film Buladó (2020) directed by Eché Janga. It is not only the Golden Calf winner for Best Film in 2020 and the most recent film based in Curaçao with a contemporary narrative about cultural struggle, but the director is also half Dutch-Caribbean himself (Ekker 2020). Moreover, Eché Janga deliberately did not emphasize the touristic part of the island, with the white beaches and coloured houses that the Dutch already know. Rather, the director said that he wanted to depict the less densely populated and rugged countryside of Curaçao (Beekman 2020).

Therefore, I will examine whether, and if so, how the influences of Curaçao's Dutch colonial past are reflected in the depictions of food in the contemporary Curaçao based film Buladó. I argue that, although the composition of the ingredients of the food images can be traced back to the colonialist past and foreign countries, all depictions of food show a dominant hybrid identity in the film Buladó, with a small doubting point in the supper scene regarding supper timing, which may reflect some levels of Eurocentrism.

Central Concepts

As the Caribbean culture is not definable as something singular but is a combination of different kinds of cultures and customs, I will try to determine whether the images of food fall under a Eurocentric view or a hybrid view that is in line with the envisioned unthinking Eurocentrism of Eché Janga. I aim at analysing the depictions of food in Buladó through the lens of postcolonial studies. Especially the concepts of Shohat and Stam (2014) are implemented. In their work, Shohat and Stam demonstrate the Eurocentric biases and views within media platforms including film (Crofts 1996). Specifically pointed out is the idea that Eurocentrism is often naturalized as common sense. It is important to deconstruct the depictions of food in film in order to investigate whether this common sense of food images is justified. This is especially the case when it comes to portraying culture and identity other than European, or in this case, Dutch. It is then as interesting as it is important to be able to determine a common sense out of place.

In addition to the possible presence of Eurocentrism in film, there is also the postcolonial term hybridity. According to Shohat and Stam, hybrid identities “form a changing repertory of cultural modalities” (2014, 42). Modality in this definition means the way something happens, indicating that it is the norm of acting and living. Although it is indicated that this cultural modality can, and probably does change over time, it is still possible to investigate whether the depictions of food in the film Buladó follow the current cultural (food) modality of Curaçao or it is an indication of Dutch-Eurocentric representation.

Methodology

To investigate how the effects of Dutch colonialism in Curaçao is reflected in the depictions of food in contemporary Curaçao-based films, the primary source used is the film Buladó (Eché Janga, 2020). Buladó is a film made and shot in the former Dutch colony of Curaçao. In addition, Buladó is generally characterized by the realistic depiction of contemporary life on the island, where the slavery past plays a major role in the narrative. This combination of contemporary relevance and storyline makes Buladó the perfect research object, as it is being analysed through a postcolonial lens for Dutch influences on food depictions. What is also important and connects to the research question are the different scenes that emerge where (local) food is portrayed. To examine the (post)colonial Dutch influences through the images of food in Buladó, I will analyse three major scenes depicting foods; The hunted iguana, The beverages in the refrigerator, and The supper scene. Here the scenes are analysed on meal composition and food customs. In order to research the possible presence of a Eurocentric or hybrid depiction of food in the film, I will conduct a visual analysis, focusing on the mise-en-scène. My analysis of the scenes is based upon the idea that the use of certain ingredients and food customs form a part of distinctive significations that allow food to be a communication of culture and identity (Beushausen 2014). Therefore, it is important to first unravel the composition and ingredients of the depicted foods to determine their place within the Curaçao food culture. However, I will not limit the visual analysis of the mise-en-scène to the ingredient determination, but also apply it to determine the setting in which the food is depicted. This is important in order to make a statement about the depicted eating habits like meal schedule in the film and to what extent that reflects a Eurocentric view or not.

The Hunted Iguana

The depiction of an iguana in the opening scene of Buladó shows no Eurocentric idea of food and is not a meal or custom within Curaçao food culture that originated from the imposed Dutch culture.

In the opening scene of Buladó, Tiara Richards playing Kenza is seen hunting an iguana sitting on a cactus in the natural environment of Curaçao. She uses a handmade catapult to shoot the iguana. After shooting the catapult, Kenza is shown riding her bicycle, approaching a motorcycle crew performing tricks. Only as she approaches the biker crew, does it become apparent to the viewer what has happened to the iguana. It is also the first time the viewer is introduced to a depiction of food. The iguana, held by the tail and hanging over the bicycle handlebar, is lifted up by Kenza and is shown to the bikers. Kenza asks the bikers if they want to buy her iguana. However, it is only thereafter that all possible doubts about the purpose of the iguana disappear, and it really becomes clear that it is in fact sold as a food item. She approaches one of the bikers and begins to negotiate, but the biker does not want to buy the iguana because it is too thin, and he only likes (as in finds tasty) the bigger ones.

The green iguana (Iguana iguana) is a reptile native to the Lesser Antilles and is also present on the island of Curaçao (van Buurt 2006). The iguana was already consumed by the first inhabitants of the Lesser Antilles, the Amerindians, and today's local inhabitants of the Lesser Antilles still consume them (Fogarty, Zero, and Powell 2004). Even though the iguana is native to Curaçao and is locally not considered an endangered species, most amphibian, and reptile protection laws actually stem from the participation of the Kingdom of the Netherlands in international treaties. In addition, the use of iguanas as food has declined in recent decades due to less poverty and stricter hunting regulations (Fogarty, Zero, and Powell 2004).

Although the iguana is less and less eaten in Curaçao, it is logical and effective that it is depicted in the opening scene of Buladó, since the film is about a financially struggling local family. Moreover, it also immediately sets the tone in regard to Eché Janga’s aim of not showing Curaçao from a Dutch accustomed non-European, local perspective. In this way, Buladó succeeds in presenting the (European) viewer with something that is not common in Europe. The Eurocentric idea of what is considered common sense is immediately challenged through the unthinking Eurocentrism depiction of the iguana as the initial food image.

Kenza with Catapult

The beverages in the refrigerator

Although the drinks shown in the refrigerator in Buladó are not European or Dutch, they typically come from abroad. So there is no Eurocentric image of drinks, but a hybrid identity, defined as a cultural modality of many foreign-produced drinks consumed in Curaçao. This becomes apparent with a close visual analysis of the mise-en-scène of the refrigerator scene.

After Kenza skips school to visit her mother's grave and is picked up by her father, she arrives home. The scene that follows (26:24 – 26:57) shows her walking up to the refrigerator and opening it, revealing the beverages on the inside of the refrigerator door. Here again, it is important to examine the depicted drinks and to find out where they come from in order to better understand if, and how, they fit into the Curaçao food culture and whether it contributes to Buladó’s unthinking Eurocentrism nature.

Clearly visible are three Polar beer bottles and cans, one Everfresh drink, one Fria drink, and one Rica juice pack. These are all specific and carefully chosen drinks, which are well known and often consumed in the Caribbean and South America. Polar beer is the most drank beer in Curaçao. The Polar beer, originally brewed in Venezuela at the Empresas Polar brewery, is available on the island through importers. The brewery was established in 1939 and was located in Antìmano Caracas. Today it is taken over by the Florida Brewery and thus moved to America (Verhaar 2016). Although Everfresh drinks are produced in the United States, they are quite well known in the Caribbean and also in Curaçao. This is apparent from, among other things, (online) Antillean shops in the Netherlands like the “Antilliaanse Toko Online Winkel” that sell Everfresh as a Caribbean product. Fria is a soft drink with a tasty, sparkling, and refreshing taste. The favourite drink in Curaçao was discovered in 1970 by The Curaçao Beverage Bottling Company, the very first soft drink factory on the island, and lab-mixed to the final product (“Ontstaan van Fria” n.d.). Rica, a popular Caribbean juice drink line imported by Global Trade Bridge Corp., debuted in the United States. Rica juice drinks are marketed to Hispanics, and the packaging includes Spanish lettering (“Rica Juice Drinks” n.d.).

From this brief description of the origin of the drinks, it can quickly be seen that these are products produced by and for the Caribbean region and that Dutch and European brands are not shown in Buladó. It is imaginable that the portrayal of, for example, a Heineken beer would have been a very contradictory element of the mise-en-scène for a film that aims at leaving out the Eurocentric understanding of Curaçao. In addition to the sole presence of sugary drinks in the refrigerator, it can also be seen that Kenza takes the Fria out of the refrigerator and drinks it. This corresponds to a Curaçao food custom, that among the Curaçao people with a low socioeconomic status – essentially the case with Kenza – sugary drinks are more often drunk (Grol et al. 1997).

The evening supper

In the depiction of the evening supper in Buladó, the timing of the meal initially seems to reflect a Eurocentric food culture. However, by analysing the narration in addition to the mise-en-scène, the timing of the supper around the evening could also be in line with the core narrative of cultural struggle of the film.

The only supper scene in Buladó (07:50 – 09:35) starts with the outside view of the house where Kenza lives with her father and granddad. It is already, and clearly, dark outside when the family eats together at the table. From what can be seen, all three eat white rice, a piece of meat, and funchi, a local staple food. A critical deconstruction of this meal’s ingredients is yet again important in order to understand the nature of the food image in this scene within the food culture of Curaçao.

White rice was originally brought to the Caribbean by Spanish colonists in the sixteenth century, but it was not commonly grown until the twentieth century and is still not locally grown in Curaçao (Zorrilla et al. 2012). Funchi, which used to be produced primarily from locally harvested sorghum meal, is now mostly manufactured from imported finely ground cornmeal. In terms of food composition and ingredient origin, what would appear not to be a Eurocentric image of food, is not very striking at first glance. This is a different story, however, when the visual analysis of the mise-en-scène extends beyond the ingredients of the meal. Because with closer visual analysis, there is something going on with regard to food habits that does not easily fall under the modality of the Curaçao food culture. Namely, the timing with regard to the supper – the main meal of the day – differs from the average supper mealtime of the local population.

In Curaçao, it is usual for a lot of people to eat their main meal during lunch break and eat something lighter around the early evening (Pavert 2010). This is in contrast to eating habits in the Netherlands, wherein the afternoon people eat a little lighter and the main meal is intended for the evening supper. This initially seems to show a Eurocentric depiction of eating habits, whereby the Dutch eating habits are implemented in the mise-en-scène of the depiction of the supper in Buladó. However, the timing of the hot meal may also be explained by listening more closely to the narration of the characters around the table. The conversation at the table is about how Kenza's father resents her grandfather for speaking Papiamentu – the local language in Curaçao – instead of Dutch. Here the cultural struggle between Curaçao and the Netherlands – what Kenza is situated between – explicitly comes to the foreground. It could therefore also be argued that Kenza's father, after all a proponent of Europeanization, deliberately schedules a warm meal for the evening supper in order to introduce Kenza to Dutch culture. Still, this seems a bit far-fetched, especially since it's not so noticeable at first that it's dark when they sit at the table inside.

The Evening Supper

Conclusion

To investigate whether there is a Eurocentric depiction of food in contemporary Curaçao-based movies, I investigated three scenes in which food is depicted in the film Buladó (Eché Janga 2020) by means of textual and visual analysis. The ingredients of the displayed foods have been unravelled and examined to what extent they are part of a possible hybrid, Curaçao food culture, or whether they symbolize European common sense. After my postcolonial food studies on the film Buladó, I can conclude that the three scenes in which food is depicted (The hunted iguana, The beverages in the refrigerator, and The supper scene) are not absolute Eurocentric, but rather a hybrid food culture that, along the lines of Shohat and Stam, form the modality in Curaçao. This successful unthinking Eurocentrism in terms of food depiction thus contributes positively to the aim of Eché Janga to depict Curaçao in a way that the Dutch are not used to. The depictions of food in Buladó have contributed to the symbolic representation of the Curaçao culture in times of self-representation shortly after their obtained autonomous status.

Bibliography

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Ekker, Jan Pieter. 2020. “Buladó verrassende winnaar Gouden Kalf voor beste film.” Het Parool, October 2, 2020. https://www.parool.nl/gs-bd343204.

Fogarty, Sean P., Victoria H. Zero, and Robert Powell. 2004. “Revisiting St. Eustatius: Estimating the Population Size of Lesser Antillean Iguanas, Iguana Delicatissima.” Iguana 11 (3): 138–46.

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Comparative Video Essay about Props, Setting, and Decor in Buladó

Stylistic elements like setting, decor, and properties in films serve as potent conveyors of cultural representation, actively shaping narratives that encapsulate a place's historical, socio-political, and cultural identity. I want to navigate the intricate interplay between colonial legacies and contemporary cultural representations in Curaçaoan films. In applying Shohat and Stam's insights (2014), I want to unveil Eurocentric biases in filmic depictions, particularly in Buladó, assessing whether the portrayal of setting, decor, and properties aligns with Dutch-Caribbean culture. To contextualize these concepts, I want to compare Buladó with other Curaçao-based films like Sensei Redenshon (2013), Double Play (2017), and Bon Bini Holland (2015). Each film offers diverse perspectives, enabling comprehensive comparative analysis within the Curaçaoan cinematic landscape. Synthesizing these elements, my video essay will scrutinize how stylistic choices in setting, decor, and properties contribute to portraying Curaçao's cultural identity in films. The primary goal is to elucidate the presence of Eurocentrism and adherence to current cultural modalities in the cinematic depiction of Curaçao's cultural identity.